March 19, 2026

By Adam Musa
The Tranquility News Correspondent, North America
Boston, Massachusetts
The tensions among Iran, the United States, and Israel are among the most volatile in global politics. Even careful observers tend to approach the subject gingerly hedging, qualifying, or avoiding firm conclusions in the name of balance.
But occasionally, clarity breaks through.
While listening to Vermont Edition, I heard Ezzedine Fishere, a former diplomat turned academic, describe the region with a rare mix of precision and restraint. What stood out was not only his expertise, but his refusal to slip into familiar habits: oversimplification, false equivalence, or the performance of neutrality. He offered a simple but powerful distinction: between how we feel about a conflict and how we understand it.
“I always tell students,” he said, “to distinguish between two things: how we feel about the conflict, and our understanding of it — where it comes from, what shapes the behavior of its actors.”
That distinction reframed how I read a recent statement from President Donald Trump:
“There will be no deal with Iran except UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER! … IRAN WILL HAVE A GREAT FUTURE.”
At first glance, this is rhetorical maximalism — language designed to project strength. Some analysts suggest it may also serve a psychological purpose: not to persuade Iran’s leadership, but to unsettle its rank-and-file security forces, encouraging fractures within the regime.
But history suggests a problem with this logic. Systems built on coercion rarely collapse because they are shouted at from abroad. They unravel when those inside them believe there is a way out.
This is where much of the current debate over Iran goes astray. Even sophisticated arguments for regime change often assume that if a regime is weakened enough, collapse will follow. But weakening is not the same as replacing. Between those two moments lies one of the most dangerous spaces in politics: the vacuum in which states fail, militias multiply, and civilians pay the price for strategic optimism.
The deeper issue is that calls for “unconditional surrender” misunderstand a basic constraint. For many within institutions like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps or the Basij, surrender is not merely risky —I t is existential. Without credible guarantees against prosecution or retaliation, defection is not a leap of faith; it is a gamble with near-certain loss. There is no visible amnesty framework, no structured path to reintegration, no assurance comparable to past political settlements.
Kenneth Pollack, writing in Foreign Affairs, argues that the current U.S.–Israeli campaign is not just about degrading Iran’s capabilities — it is a bet on internal revolt. The theory is straightforward: weaken the regime enough, and it may collapse under popular pressure.
But even Pollack acknowledges the uncertainty. Military success does not automatically produce political transformation. Airpower alone has rarely delivered regime change. And when regimes do fall under pressure, the outcomes are often less orderly than imagined: survival, fragmentation, civil war, or the emergence of a new authoritarianism.
In other words, the strategy leans heavily on hope — without fully accounting for what would make that hope plausible.
This is where the lessons of transitional justice become instructive. Research on Truth and Reconciliation Commissions — comparing, for instance, South Africa’s conditional amnesty with Uganda’s blanket amnesty — points to a consistent insight: people rarely abandon systems of violence without credible incentives to do so.
South Africa’s model, for all its imperfections, recognized this reality. Amnesty was conditional on full disclosure and embedded in a broader process of truth-seeking. It offered perpetrators a narrow but real path forward — one that balanced accountability with survival.
Uganda’s approach, by contrast, prioritized immediate stability through blanket amnesty, often at the cost of long-term accountability and unresolved grievances.
Both cases converge on the same principle: surrender becomes possible not through pressure alone, but through the presence of credible exits.
That element is largely absent from current U.S. rhetoric — and, arguably, from its broader strategy toward Iran. Calls for unconditional surrender assume that pressure will produce defection. But without legal protections, negotiated pathways, or internationally recognized guarantees, they ignore the reality facing those expected to defect. For many, loyalty may be dangerous. But defection without assurances could be fatal.
Proposals to intensify pressure, whether through expanded military action or support for internal unrest, attempt to force the issue. Yet they remain rooted in the same assumption: that weakening a regime will naturally lead to its collapse.
History offers a different lesson. Regimes endure extraordinary pressure when their security apparatus remains cohesive and when insiders believe their survival depends on loyalty. Conversely, even entrenched systems can unravel quickly when credible off-ramps exist — when individuals believe they can leave without total ruin.
This brings us back to the central question: What makes surrender possible in modern conflicts — and what makes it unthinkable?
The answer lies not in rhetoric or even in military dominance alone, but in the intersection of strategy, psychology, and law. Pressure matters. But so do pathways. Without them, demands for surrender can harden resistance rather than dissolve it.
If the goal is not just to weaken a regime but to transform it, then transitional justice, truth and reconciliation processes, and most importantly — restorative justice are essential, not peripheral. Lasting change requires more than coercion; it requires a framework that makes defection conceivable, participation possible, and accountability compatible with survival.
Until such a framework is put into practice, “unconditional surrender” risks being seen as a slogan rather than a strategy — one that may, paradoxically, make its intended outcome less likely.
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Adam is an accomplished professional with a unique interdisciplinary background: combining expertise in psychology, journalism, and restorative justice. He has a bachelor’s degree in community psychology from Makerere University Kampala, Uganda; a master’s degree in journalism from Northeastern University in the United States; and a master’s degree in restorative justice from Vermont Law & Graduate School in the United States. As a versatile communicator and advocate of social justice, Adam brings a unique perspective to his work. He is capable of fostering understanding, insight, clarity, and a commitment to meaningful change.
Email contact: adam@tranquilitynews.com



